Thursday, March 19, 2015

Eye on Iran: AP Exclusive: Iran Limited to 6K Centrifuges in Draft Accord






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AP: "Officials tell The Associated Press that a draft nuclear accord being negotiated between the U.S. and Iran would force Iran to cut hardware it could use to make an atomic bomb by about 40 percent for at least a decade. Officials say the draft deal would also offer the Iranians immediate relief from sanctions that have crippled their economy. The deal would cap Iran's uranium centrifuges at 6,000 for decade or more. The centrifuge number is less than the 10,000 such machines Tehran now runs. But it's substantially more than the 500 to 1,500 that Washington originally wanted as a ceiling. The existence of a draft in circulation may be the clearest indication the sides were nearing a written agreement before a March 31 deadline." http://t.uani.com/1CztnPS

AFP: "A nuclear deal with Iran would be a diplomatic victory for Barack Obama, but its historic worth and impact on the US president's legacy may not be known for a decade or more... The agreement would limit Tehran's nuclear program for 10 to 15 years in return for sanctions relief... It's a bet that in just over a decade Iran's government will be less hardline and perhaps more willing to dismantle, not just limit, controversial aspects of its nuclear program. It's a bet on patience. 'It's a large gamble,' said Gary Samore, a White House non-proliferation advisor during Obama's first term. 'Iran is not making a strategic decision to abandon its interest in acquiring nuclear weapons, they are deciding for tactical reasons to accept temporary constraints on the program in exchange for sanctions relief.' Samore says it may take a decade or more before we know if the gamble has paid off. 'Whether it ends up being successful or not no one can say. We are not going to know during President Obama's presidency.' In the 1990s a similar deal with North Korea fell to pieces and Kim Jong il acquired a bomb... 'The immediate consequence of a nuclear deal will be to intensify tension between the US and Iran,' said Samore. 'I would expect that you would see intensified US efforts to challenge Iranian influence in Syria, in Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen and so-forth and certainly to strengthen security assurances to the Arab Gulf states.'" http://t.uani.com/1O32TJp

Reuters: "Six world powers and Iran are unlikely to reach a framework agreement on Iran's nuclear program in the coming days as the sides are too far apart on many issues, a European negotiator said on Thursday. He blamed Tehran for failing to compromise. 'Contrary to what the Iranians are saying with regard to 90 percent of an accord being done, that's not true,' the negotiator told reporters on condition of anonymity. 'We are not close to an agreement.' The current round of talks in Switzerland may need to continue beyond Friday. 'We are pretty far away. There are a lot of issues that still need to be resolved. The Iranians must make substantial concessions,' he said... Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Hamid Baidinejad confirmed that there were a number of sticking points. 'Contrary to what many think, that we are only discussing one issue, it is not correct,' he told reporters. 'We are discussing many issues and nothing is agreed until everything is agreed.' He cited research and development (R&D) into centrifuges as a sticking point... Baidinejad said that if there was a framework agreement this month, it would not be in writing. 'There will be no written agreement,' he said. 'It will be kind of verbal agreement that will pave the ground for further talks.'" http://t.uani.com/19CkesZ

   
Nuclear Program & Negotiations

Bloomberg: "When nuclear monitors said Iran had started testing a single advanced centrifuge last year, some U.S. politicians and analysts jumped on the report as proof the Islamic Republic can't be trusted. To U.S. officials negotiating with Iran, it was probably just a mistake -- one that shows the pitfalls in the highly technical accord being discussed. Describing the incident in detail for the first time, U.S. officials, who asked not to be identified following diplomatic rules, said the testing was probably done by a low-level employee on Iran's nuclear program who didn't understand the limits placed on his experimentation... The episode highlights the difficulties of trying to regulate the vast industrial infrastructure and laboratories involved in the Islamic Republic's nuclear work." http://t.uani.com/1LwWYxo

Human Rights

Amnesty: "The Iranian authorities must prove that their participation at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva is more than a mere PR exercise, by halting any plans to execute an alleged juvenile offender and ordering a judicial review of his case, said Amnesty International. The execution of Saman Naseem, a member of Iran's Kurdish minority, following a grossly unfair trial that relied on 'confessions' extracted under torture, was scheduled to take place one month before the UN Human Rights Council session on 19 March. The execution was not carried out then and the authorities have refused to officially disclose his fate and whereabouts since. 'We fear the Iranian authorities may have postponed Saman Naseem's execution merely to avoid criticism and condemnation at the UN Human Rights Council session, leaving him at even graver risk of execution once the review ends,' said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, Deputy Middle East and North Africa Director at Amnesty International." http://t.uani.com/1ExWDE2

Guardian: "The UN anti-drug agency is finalising a multimillion-dollar funding package, including European money, for Iran's counter-narcotics trafficking programmes, despite the country's high execution rate of drug offenders. Iranian authorities have hanged at least two people a day this year for drug offences, according to the human rights group Reprieve, which works for the abolition of death penalty... Reprieve and a number of other organisations have repeatedly urged the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) to stop funding Iran's anti-narcotics campaign until Tehran ends its use of capital punishment for drug-related offences. But despite their concerns, the UNODC is agreeing a new five-year deal with Iranian officials. Reprieve says its research shows that millions of dollars of support to Iran can be directly linked to the arrest and execution of thousands of people, including children. Iran has a notorious record of juvenile executions." http://t.uani.com/1O98bDk

The Hill: "The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) on Wednesday criticized Iran for its increasingly poor treatment of its religious minorities. 'Since assuming office in 2013, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani has not delivered on his promises to improve conditions for religious minority communities,' USCIRF Chair Katrina Lantos Swett said in a statement. 'In fact, the Iranian government has imprisoned more than 350 people, including 150 Sunni Muslims, 100 Baha'is, 90 Christians and at least a dozen Sufi Muslims, for their beliefs.' USCIRF's scathing remarks hit Tehran prior to its appearance Thursday before the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC)." http://t.uani.com/1BZREMI

Opinion & Analysis

Evan Bayh, Saxby Chambliss and Norm Coleman in Roll Call: "Iran is on course to develop nuclear weapons. Few foreign policy challenges pose a greater threat to the security of the United States and our allies. To permanently and verifiably prevent Iranian nuclear weapons, America must be united and resolute. History and common sense indicate this is more likely if congressional approval is required of any final agreement negotiated by the president. For half a century, Congress has reviewed, amended and voted on treaties that have achieved lasting results with nuclear disarmament. In fact, many of these agreements have enjoyed broad bipartisan support on Capitol Hill. Since 1955, the United States has entered into roughly 25 Section 123 Agreements with various countries, including Canada, Japan, China and more than 27 European nations. SALT I, SALT II and START are other examples in which both Republican and Democratic presidents have worked with congressional leaders of both parties to achieve consensus on international nuclear agreements. Often the affirmation was overwhelming. In the Iranian context, congressional authorization would carry the added benefit of illustrating America's commitment to long-term Iranian nuclear deterrence beyond the end of the Obama administration in January 2017. Iran is more likely to make meaning concessions when our government speaks with one voice and our commitments and deterrents extend beyond 20 months. In addition, congressional approval of an Iranian nuclear accord that included specific and automatic consequences for listed violations would carry added weight. Congressional authorization for the use of force in case of egregious cheating by Tehran is particularly important. Iran may doubt our resolve following Syria's use of chemical weapons in defiance of America's warnings. There must be no doubt about the price they will pay for non-compliance with any nuclear weapons limitations. The administration will be tempted to act unilaterally and not seek congressional concurrence. Previous presidents were similarly tempted, and engagement with the legislative branch can take time, try one's patience and necessitate refinements to any accord. But ultimately this is the course most likely to result in a lasting, effective, resolution. To do otherwise would leave large parts of Congress and the American people hostile to the agreement, not a strong foundation for American security or lasting arms control." http://t.uani.com/1AJCHuh

Zalmay Khalilzad in TNI: "The nuclear negotiation with Iran is much in the news and there is vigorous analysis and debate in Washington on elements of a possible agreement and their implications for the United States, for the region and for the non-proliferation regime. However, Iran's recent geopolitical gains in the region, especially in Iraq, and their implications, have received far less attention. This neglect is both surprising and dangerous. The manner in which the United States and the West have conducted the war against the Islamic State (IS)/Daesh terrorists in Iraq has had many consequences-some unintended.  One result of the U.S. military approach-reliance on air power, a slow buildup of the Iraqi national army and limited assistance to the Kurdish Peshmarga-is a significantly increased Iranian presence in Iraq and growing domination by Tehran over the Baghdad government. Although Iranian influence started after the U.S. invasion in 2003, it has been on the rise since the pullout of American troops from Iraq in 2011. Today, Iran is the dominant influence in Iraqi national security decision making in Baghdad, and controls the bulk of the effective fighting forces in Iraq... The Iraqis have been surprised by Iran's willingness to risk openly participating in the fight against IS. In the past, Iran would deny and cover up its role in providing arms to militias or directing militias it controlled to carry out specific operations in Iraq. Not this time. Indeed, a number of high-ranking Iranian officers have fallen in Iraq. Iran wants its own people, its regional rivals and the world to know that it is in Iraq and is fighting there. This is a significant development... Taking advantage of Ayatollah Sistani's appeal to the Shiite masses to mobilize against IS, Iran's most effective strategy has been beefing up of its proxies: militias that have largely replaced the army on the frontlines. Those militias include Asa'ib Ahl Al-Haq (AAH), which is designated as a terrorist organization by the United States, Katai'b Hezbollah (KH), the Badr organization, and a plethora of subsidiaries under new names. These groups have fought IS and have become very powerful. Iran has trained and armed them and Iranian officers are embedded with them... The geopolitical consequences of the above can hardly be overstated. If Iran consolidates its control over Iraq - the country with the second largest population in the Persian Gulf and rich oil and gas resources-Tehran will be in a strong position to dominate the entire region. Iran will want to eliminate the presence of external regional powers. As a rising hegemon, Tehran would see the presence of U.S. and other Western forces in the region as an obstacle to its goal of being the dominant regional power. If the Shiite minority Houthis consolidate their takeover of Yemen, Iran's ability to threaten Saudi Arabia and the traffic in the Red Sea, an important strategic waterway for commerce, will also increase. Iran is already in position to disrupt another key chokepoint-the Strait of Hormuz. With domination of Iraq, Iran will be in a strong position to intimidate the GCC states, and continue to easily supply the Assad regime in Syria and Hizballah in Lebanon. In Iraq itself, the Iran-backed militias are unlikely to disband even if IS is defeated. Instead, they will continue to maximize power and possibly take over the state. Iran will likely use them to keep unfriendly Shiites, Kurds and Sunnis in check. Iran might also use them to destabilize the Gulf states. Tempting though it might be for some to believe that the U.S. can wash its hands of all the headaches in that neighborhood by coming to an arrangement with Iran and letting it take over the job of policing and stabilizing that troublesome region, this is not an option. The U.S. cannot bandwagon with Iran and accept its hegemony over Iraq and its primacy in a new regional equilibrium in the Gulf. Accommodating Iranian hegemony would mean U.S. abandonment of the Gulf. This would give Iran control over the vast resources of the region, which it will use to pose a still bigger threat to the rest of the region and beyond." http://t.uani.com/1FILVfE

Mohammed Salih in Al-Monitor: "While the United States has invested trillions of dollars and thousands of lives since 2003 to bring Iraq into its orbit, today it is Iran that appears to have achieved that goal, albeit with far less costs in terms of money and lives, observers and analysts of Iraqi affairs agree. There appears to be no better demonstration of Iran's success in having firmly established its hegemony across Iraq than in the current operation to retake the Sunni-dominated province of Salahuddin in central Iraq. The operation to push out Islamic State (IS) militants from Tikrit and its surrounding areas in Salahuddin is being carried out by a ragtag force of Shiite Popular Mobilization Units (PMUs), the Iraqi army and some local Sunni tribes. The largest military campaign so far against IS, the Salahuddin operation has been noted for the heavy involvement of Iranian military advisers and the conspicuous absence of the US military. While the United States has in the past aided similar operations by the Iraqi military and PMUs in areas such as Amerli and Baiji, no US warplanes are now dropping bombs in Salahuddin. 'The Iranians have checkmated the Americans, and I think the Americans now understand this,' Hayder al-Khoei, an Iraq expert at the London-based Chatham House, told Al-Monitor. 'What's interesting about the Salahuddin operation is that the Iraqis and the Iranians are proving to Americans: We don't need your airstrikes.' ... 'The Iranians and their Iraqi proxies wanted to demonstrate their power and that they can fight in any battlefield, whether it is in the ... mixed sectarian areas or in Sunni-only areas such as the Tigris River Valley [in Salahuddin],' Michael Knights, a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy specialized in the military affairs of Iraq and Iran, told Al-Monitor... '[Iran and Shiite forces] are the most significant partners to the Iraqi state. They planned this operation to ensure they would get [to Tikrit] first, before the Americans,' Knights added. 'It's a big propaganda victory for the PMUs.' ... If the operation succeeds, most of the credit will go to PMU leaders such as Hadi al-Ameri and Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis and Quds Force Cmdr. Soleimani, Knights said. The emergence of IS appears to have further consolidated Iranian clout in Iraq, as Iran's generals and sponsored militias have taken the lead in fighting off IS in areas the jihadist group seized from the Iraqi army last summer." http://t.uani.com/1BZVBkC

Daniel Henninger in WSJ: "The Iran nuclear deal is going to be the ObamaCare of arms-control agreements-a substantive mess undermined by a failure to build adequate political support. Next Tuesday is the deadline for completing the 'political' terms of an agreement with Iran. 'Technical' details arrive in June. From news reporting on the negotiations, it appears the agreement is turning into a virtual Rube Goldberg machine, a patchwork of fixes that its creators will claim somehow limits Iran's nuclear breakout period to 'a year.' Which is to say, it's going to be another ObamaCare, a poorly designed mega-project others will have to clean up later. Just as ObamaCare was a massive entitlement program enacted with no Republican support (unlike Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid), the administration's major arms-control agreement is bypassing a traditional vote in the Senate. Instead, it will get rubber-stamp approval by, of all things, the U.N. Security Council. Can anyone feign surprise that this has produced a political reaction in the Senate? The heavily bipartisan Corker-Menendez bill, which would require the deal to be submitted to Congress and which the White House has denounced, is a few votes away from a veto-proof majority. Political legitimacy is the coin of the realm in the American system. It is why every U.S. president in the postwar era, except this one, has worked so hard to assemble opposition support for his projects. Without it, any initiative will remain politically vulnerable. In a letter last weekend to Sen. Bob Corker, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, White House Chief of Staff Denis McDonough doubled down on Barack Obama's general theory of American politics-my way or the highway. He wrote that other arms agreements haven't gone through the Senate and that Mr. Corker and his Senate colleagues should step away from the Iran deal. In fact, Presidents Kennedy, Nixon and Reagan all submitted major arms-control treaties and agreements for Senate approval. They did so to give their work political credibility with the American people and indeed the world. But somehow Mr. Obama believes he has an exemption from the basics of U.S. politics. So we wake up one day to find he is substituting the judgment of the Security Council, with such famous allies as Russia and China, for consent from the U.S. Senate. Result: an arms deal as politically flaccid as ObamaCare. After the Affordable Care Act became a one-party law, many governors refused to participate. A mirror-image opt-out from the Iran deal is emerging now among the most significant nations of the Middle East." http://t.uani.com/1FEBwBJ
        

Eye on Iran is a periodic news summary from United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) a program of the American Coalition Against Nuclear Iran, Inc., a tax-exempt organization under Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code. Eye on Iran is not intended as a comprehensive media clips summary but rather a selection of media elements with discreet analysis in a PDA friendly format. For more information please email Press@UnitedAgainstNuclearIran.com

United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) is a non-partisan, broad-based coalition that is united in a commitment to prevent Iran from fulfilling its ambition to become a regional super-power possessing nuclear weapons.  UANI is an issue-based coalition in which each coalition member will have its own interests as well as the collective goal of advancing an Iran free of nuclear weapons.

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